4.99.
Claimants highlight the role of [the commander] , the commander of the Rivers State Internal Security Task Force, during the proceedings (see in 2.31), which was criticised by [the representative] . In addition to the conduct observed by [the representative] , claimants state that [the commander] was responsible for the torture and degrading
36 [the representative] , p. 66
treatment to which the prisoners were subjected throughout the proceedings, for the abuse and sexual assault of [claimant 1] and for seizing evidence against the defendants. Claimants describe [the commander] as a “Shell protégé” and discuss in great detail the connection, which they believe is close, between SPDC and [the commander] in the period preceding the proceedings, among other things in the Operation Restore Order led by [the commander] . Claimants also refer to payments made by SPDC to [the commander] , which according to claimants were also allegedly made during these proceedings.
4.100. The court concurs with defendants that this accusation is unfounded. There is no ground to attribute the conduct of [the commander] during the proceedings to SPDC and/or the other defendants in any way, or to assume any involvement of defendants in this conduct. This inference cannot be based on established facts nor follows from claimants’ assertions. The court explains this as follows.
4.101. Claimants attach great weight to the inter-office memo referred to in 2.20 from SPDC’s [head of Intelligence East] dated 25 February 1994 and the fact that [the commander] led Operation Restore Order Ogoniland and allegedly announced in public that he was acting on orders of Shell. Defendants have contested the latter, supported by reasons, and explain that the payments referred to in the memo were ‘field allowances’ charged to SPDC by the Nigerian authorities for assistance rendered for protection against the persistent and increasingly violent protests targeting SPDC before it ceased operations in Ogoniland.
4.102. Referencing the written statements, including a statement of [witness 11] , in the [claimant 1] proceedings, claimants state that SPDC also paid [the commander] during the proceedings. [witness 11] has stated that he witnessed three instances where he saw money being handed to [the commander] by SPDC, twice by [Z] . However, these statements – which defendants contest as being true and reliable, supported by reasons – pertain to the alleged payments in connection with Operation Restore Order Ogoniland.
4.103. The court notes that it is unclear what the basis is for paying the field allowances to [the commander] , referred to in the inter-office memo. The court will ignore this, as it has not been asserted, nor is there any evidence that there is a connection between these payments and the role of [the commander] during the proceedings. Nor do the statements produced by claimants show proof of any payment from SPDC to [the commander] during or in connection with the proceedings. From that which claimants present about the contacts between SPDC and [the commander] in the years before the proceedings can only be deduced that [the commander] was involved in operations of the Nigerian government in the vicinity of the installations of the joint venture in Ogoniland and that SPDC paid him in the form of field allowances. Even if [the commander] viewed himself as a protégé of the Shell Group this does not mean that defendants were involved in [the commander] ’s actions during the proceedings in any way. To be able to draw that conclusion there have to be facts and circumstances from which it follows that defendants tried to influence the proceedings via [the commander] or were involved in [the commander] ’s actions during the proceedings in any other way. It has not been asserted, nor is there any evidence that such concrete facts and circumstances occurred.
offer to influence the proceedings on the condition that MOSOP ceases it protest against SPDC
4.104. It is an established fact that in early 1995 [director of SPDC] spoke with the brother of [E] , [H] . Claimants assert that on that occasion [director of SPDC] offered [H] to influence the proceedings on the condition that MOSOP would cease its protest against SPDC.
4.105. In the Nigeria Update of 6 April 1995 [director of SPDC] reported on the conversation he had had that day with the British ambassador [the British ambassador] , who he referred to in the report as BHC [acronym of British High Commissioner]. This report states that [the British ambassador] had spoken with [H] and conveyed the message that [H] wished to speak with [director of SPDC] . [director of SPDC] writes:
“I told the BHC that I might be prepared to meet him [ [H] , addition by the court] on an informal basis to see what he had to say, and the BHC suggested that he introduce me to him during the Queen’s Birthday celebrations at his house later this month.
I also made the point that, so long as the MOSOP leadership keep the claim for compensation against us we would find it impossible to deal with them formally. I also said that I will not become involved in [E] ’s trial in any way.
There is still a strong belief amongst these people that we Shell have the power to get [the General] to let [E] off! Would that we had such power, we certainly would not have had the cash calls problems if we had!”
4.106. On 20 April 1995 [director of SPDC] spoke with [H] and [attorney 5] , one of the attorneys of [E] , at the residence of the British ambassador. The Nigeria Update of 24 April 1995 states the following about this:
“We discussed the matter of opening a dialogue between Shell and the Ogoni people. I made the point in many ways that I felt that I could not be expected to open up Shell to a dialogue when we had learned from experience to distrust the methods employed by [E] against us. His use of the media to propagate what we felt were lies or distortions of the truth to a gullible world made us very wary indeed. I told him that they would have to modify their stance before we could contemplate a useful dialogue.
I also said that we were not about to start discussions as long as we had a claim for reparations for environmental pollution and back royalties and taxes of 10 billion hanging over our heads, figures that were quite preposterous.
I asked what exactly MOSOP wanted of Shell. OSW said that they wanted us to help to get the release of [E] and the removal of the army from Ogoniland.
I went over all the arguments against us doing either of the two things. (…)
Dialogue?
The matter of a continued dialogue was raised again at the end. I said that I was happy to keep the door open to dialogue and I gave my contact numbers. However, I also said that I would not be able to talk about anything substantive as long as I was given reason to distrust MOSOP and its motives
in wanting the dialogue. I said it was up to them to show there was a genuine change of approach before there would be much point in continued dialogue.”
4.107. [H] was ordered by his brother not to accept the proposal of [director of SPDC] in a letter dated 13 May 1995. In the letter [E] presented two scenarios for discussion with [director of SPDC] , namely:
( I) “We remain in jail. A. The cause grows. Junior’s recent visit to the US was a smasher. He met [… 2] , [… 2] (…) Along with the Goldman Foundation, Shell could be facing an expensive call for the boycott of its products. (…). B. Within Nigeria, the other oil- producing area’s who have been working to see if MOSOP’s non-violent stand will draw Shell out of its cocoon, decide that force is what Shell wants. There will be trouble on the oilfields, losing Shell a lot of its investment. Military force will not secure them peace on the oilfields. (…)
In the end, all this would be
extremely
expensive for Shell particularly if as is being mooted, we sue them in the U.S. Punitive damages could be imposed on them. Our sponsors are thinking in that direction. Is this what Shell wants?
OR THIS?,
( II) Shell uses its considerable clout to (i) CREATE an Ogoni State. We will have something to show to the Ogoni people & assuage their anger.
(ii) Shell gets the Tribunal stopped or the Fed Attorney General to enter a “nolle prosequi” using the fact of my ill-health and inability to go on with the trial. Shell’s stock in Ogoni rises. The human rights and writers lobbies which have stood solidly behind us abroad are disarmed. Shell gets a breathing space.”
4.108. [H] discussed this letter with [director of SPDC] on 13 May 1995. [director of SPDC] reported on this in a Note for File:
- It was reiterated that his demand for Shell to become involved with political and legal matters of Nigeria was wrong and Shell would not do it, i.e. no royalties/taxes, no reparations, no interventions with the tribunal process.
- (…) In any case, it was important for Shell’s image and integrity, long term, to adhere to its business principles as we have stated in this case.
- We were keen to address the issues of Community Development and the Environment as soon as possible even ahead of resuming operations, provided the situation on the ground was peaceful (…) We were prepared to sit down and discuss these two areas of mutual interest and get advice/input from MOSOP. However, first and foremost we needed to satisfy ourselves that we can trust MOSOP. (…)
- (…) We would not have the confidence to sit down with MOSOP to consider areas of mutual interest unless these false claims and attacks were stopped. Such cessation would be seen as a display of MOSOP’s willingness to sincerely explore common grounds with Shell in a trustworthy manner. (…)
The meeting was summarised to O-W from our viewpoint that the discussion has not moved forward since it started. We reiterated that we would be prepared to discuss areas of mutual interests only, namely, Community Development and Environment, but only if the basis for trust was established. The minimum we would expect as indication of display of trust on MOSOP’s part would be the cessation of deliberate and false accusations against Shell, and not urging Shell to become involved in Nigerian politics against its business principles. Finally, we added that until there was a change in MOSOP’s attitude and approach, we saw was no basis for continuing the dialogue for the meantime, even though the door was not shut.”
4.109. In an inter-office memorandum to [Y] , then Area Coordinator at SIPC dated 22 August 1995 [director of SPDC] wrote the following about this:
“I offered [H] the possibility that we would be prepared to put in some humanitarian aid (medical?) in exchange for the undertaking by his brother to soften their official stance on two key
issues for us: 1. the outrageous claims (…) against Shell for royalties and reparations, and 2. the claim that we had funded the military in their clean up operations, to “clear the way” for our return. (…)
I am not sure that we want to be moving towards unilateral aid: we need something in return from the MOSOP elected representatives. (…) Don’t forget that the government see MOSOP as terrorists and our dealing with them could be misconstrued.”
4.110. From the reports and letter referred to in 4.105 through to 4.109 it follows that [director of SPDC] made a distinction in the conversations with [H] between two different subjects: 1) the response of SPDC to the request to intervene in the proceedings and 2) a dialogue with a potential contribution from SPDC to Community Development and the Environment projects. These reports state as regards the first subject that [director of SPDC] repeatedly made it clear in his conversations with [H] that SPDC would not intervene in the proceedings, as requested by [H] . See for instance the remark in the report referred to in 4.108: “(…) his demand for Shell to become involved with political and legal matters of Nigeria was wrong and Shell would not do it (…) no interventions in the tribunal process.” This is in line with [director of SPDC] ’s remark to the British ambassador before he spoke with [H] that SPDC would not in any shape or form wanted to become involved in the [E] proceedings (see 4.105). From the reports it follows that only potential humanitarian and medical aid to [E] was discussed “to soften their stance on two key issues for us” (see 4.109). The request to intervene in the proceedings was always unconditionally answered in the negative, with the explanation that SPDC would not get involved in such issues, because it went against its business principles. But [director of SPDC] did set conditions to the second subject of discussion, namely a dialogue with a potential contribution from SPDC to Community Development and the Environment projects. These are the conditions to which claimants refer. However, these conditions only pertain to the second subject. One of these conditions was, incidentally, “not urging Shell becoming involved in Nigerian politics against its business principles” (see 4.108). This confirms that during the talks [director of SPDC] made it clear that under no condition would SPDC intervene in the proceedings.
4.111. In their written statements, [H] and [attorney 5] , however, establish a link between the conditions set by [director of SPDC] and the rejection of the request to intervene in the proceedings. The court is of the opinion that these statements cannot detract from the conclusions drawn in 4.110. The court considers that the above-mentioned reports of SPDC were usually drafted on the day of the talk or shortly thereafter. Claimants accept these reports of [director of SPDC] as being correct in all other points. The written statements of [H] and [attorney 5] , however, were made years after the fact and reflect the memory of the discussions held at the time. Without further explanation – which is lacking – the court sees no reason to assume based on these written statements that the reports of [director of SPDC] are not an accurate depiction of the talks. There is no room for a further provision of evidence regarding this issue, as offered by claimants.
4.112. The court concludes there is no ground for the accusation that defendants offered to influence the proceedings on the condition that MOSOP would cease its protest against Shell.
non-intervention in the proceedings
4.113. Claimants accuse defendants of not using their influence, either publicly or otherwise, to induce the Nigerian government to hold a fair trial and to exercise clemency for the Ogoni 9. According to claimants, defendants could and should have done so by:
a. addressing the importance of compliance with human rights in their contacts with the Nigerian authorities,
b. setting conditions to a further cooperation with the Nigerian authorities,
c. expressing their opinion on the Ogoni’s right to protest,
d. publicly and otherwise expressing their opinion on the need for a fair trial and to plead for clemency, and
e. if necessary, threatening withdrawal from Nigeria.
4.114. It is an established fact that throughout the proceedings and before the execution of the sentences, defendants received requests from persons, legal entities and organisations to intervene in the proceedings (see in 2.29). Defendants argue that they had and have the conviction that a commercial party should not intervene in a domestic legal affair of a sovereign state. They consistently promoted this starting point, which forms part of their Business Principles, or so argue defendants, who furthermore explain that they (a) monitored the proceedings and (b) used quiet diplomacy.
monitoring the proceedings
4.115. As has been stated before, SPDC monitored the proceedings through attorneys of [attorney 1] ’s office. They received reports on the hearings. Since the Nigeria Update dated 30 May 1994, which mentioned that [E] had been arrested the weekend before and detained on suspicion of the murder of our Ogoni leaders, [director of SPDC] regularly discussed the current status of affairs of the proceedings and developments therein in the Nigeria Updates. In these Nigeria Updates, [director of SPDC] also reported on that which was discussed regarding the proceedings in his talks with the Dutch and British ambassadors. For instance, he heard from the British ambassador that a British judge had attended a part of the proceedings at the request of the British government in order to verify that the trial was fair. In the Nigeria Update of 4 June 1995 he stated:
“The Judge apparently concluded that it was flawed (some technical points apparently.”
Earlier, on 6 April 1995, he had written in the Nigeria Update:
“The BHC believes that although the charges should not stick the government will make sure that he is found guilty. He would then be sentenced to death, and reprieved after giving in to pressure from outside, but be incarcerated for a very long time.
The feeling is that this trial by Tribunal will go the way of all others of the kind in the past here: nobody had ever been found innocent. Hence those around [E] are using all methods to try and influence this.”
4.116. [director of SPDC] sent his reports to the Dutch and British Service Companies, SIPC in London and (with a carbon copy) to SIPM in The Hague (see in 2.19). At a meeting in London in February 1993, attended by representatives of the Service Companies and SPDC, [E] and MOSOP were discussed, which in the minutes were designated as a risk to the international reputation of the Shell Group for which urgent attention was asked. The minutes state that the following was agreed:
“SPDC and SIPC PA (Public Affairs) departments to keep each other more closely informed to ensure that movements of key players, what they say and to whom is more effectively monitored to avoid unpleasant surprises and adversely affect the reputation of the Group as a whole.”
Shortly after the commencement of the proceedings in February 1995, the Nigeria Issue Contact Group was established within the Shell Group in March 1995 in order to monitor the developments in Nigeria and to be able to respond to them.
4.117. It is not in dispute that the parent companies were aware of the proceedings and the worldwide attention for the proceedings. Defendants, including the parent companies, were aware of the criticism of the independence of the tribunal and the fairness of the proceedings, which were expressed in the reports of [the representative] , Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. It is also established that defendants – especially the parent companies – were called upon by various NGOs to intervene in the proceedings.
Quiet diplomacy
4.118. Defendants have explained that they chose to use quiet diplomacy. What the Shell Group did can be divided into three components, namely the contacts that [director of SPDC] had during the proceedings with Nigerian officials (VI.3.b.i), other contacts of officials of entities of the Shell Group regarding the proceedings (VI.3.b.ii) and the events in the period between the sentence and its execution (VI.3.b.iii). The court uses the content of the Nigeria Updates, other reports of [director of SPDC] and reports of talks within the Shell Group as a basis, on which both claimants and defendants have based their factual standpoints. The court also uses the witness statements from the [claimant 1] proceedings of [director of SPDC] , [then chairman of CMD] and [Group Managing Director] , who was Group Managing Director in the relevant period, and on which both parties rely.
VI.3.b.i contacts between [director of SPDC] and Nigerian officials
4.119. On 22 July 1995 [director of SPDC] spoke with [the General] . On the previous day, he had talked to the British ambassador about his upcoming meeting with [the General] . At that time, he heard from the British ambassador that the second group of attorneys at the tribunal had quit because they felt they could not do their jobs properly because the proceedings were being determined by the Nigerian soldiers. [director of SPDC] wrote the following about this:
“He seemed to be quite sure that [E] [ [E] , addition by the court] will be convicted, perhaps to the death penalty, to be commuted later on to life imprisonment. I told him that this would be a very unpleasant outcome for Shell, as the international outrage would certainly involve us. The time between conviction and commutation of the sentence would also be critical to us. There is also the link to the coup plotters: if some of them are shot, then the outside world will, probably justifiably, conclude that [E] may also be executed, and therefore renewed internationalisation of the [E] /Ogoni issue could be triggered off even before that verdict is announced.”
4.120. In preparation of the talk with [the General] , [director of SPDC] spoke with [X] , the second in command in Nigeria on 21 July 1995. He told him:
“The HoS [Head of State, [the General] , addition by the court] is very touchy on the matter of foreign criticism, and on the Ogoni issue. He suggested that we should not raise either issue although it may still come up.”
From the Nigeria Update of 23 July 1995 it follows that [director of SPDC] followed this advice and not brought up the Ogoni issue and/or the proceedings himself when talking to [the General] . Their
remarks about this claimants unjustly ignore that this happened at the explicit advice of [X] . During this meeting [the General] raised the Ogoni issue. [director of SPDC] wrote about this:
“After I had finished with my part (which lasted about 1 ½ hours) he said he had something he wanted to raise with me. The Ogoni issue!
- [the General] ’s irritation with Shell’s public statements
He suddenly became very strident on the subject, complaining that the biggest company in Nigeria, who had the best knowledge of the activities on the ground in the Ogoni area, had in his eyes failed to adequately portray the real facts of the case to the outside world.(…)
He put me on the spot, and I was finding it particularly hard to get through to him that it was not up to us to defend the government’s role. After a long discussion, during which he again became quite heated, he said that he accepted that Shell could not refer to the government’s performance in its public statements.
- Shell’s efforts to tread between mines
I told him of our efforts to get the public to understand our position (referring to the Ogoni briefing paper). When I mentioned this, he again became quite incensed, saying that he had read this document and that he found this also to woolly and not sufficient clear on what the real facts were. (…)
- Shell’s non-political stance
At this point I tried to defuse the situation by going over the non-political stance that we had taken, mentioning that our job was to try and do our best to help the government to develop its oil and gas reserves as efficiently as possible, and that we could not take sides with the government on such a sensitive issue. I must say that after explaining this he calmed down a bit, but I was left with the distinct impression that he was not really happy nevertheless.
(…)
I told him of the pressures we as Shell were under on the Ogoni issue internationally and that we had to tread extremely carefully in order to try and minimise the potential (or actual) damage such an issue could cause worldwide business. (…)I told him that we were very conscious of the government’s irritation with the public villification it was getting on the Ogoni Issue but that we also were being tied into the matter in ways which we also felt were quite wrong.
(…)
I conclude from what he [ [the General] ] said that he had no sympathy for [E] whatsoever, and we must therefore prepare ourselves for a conviction in this trial with all the difficulties that portends for us.
(…)
He wants us to support him, but I think he now understands better that we have some very clear limits to what we can do publicly, or in private for that matter.”
4.121. The court deduces from this that [the General] wished SPDC/Shell Group would support the Nigerian authorities in the Ogoni issue and that in response to this [director of SPDC] highlighted the non-political course of SPDC/the Shell Group. It does not become apparent that during this meeting with [the General] [director of SPDC] addressed the right of the defendants to a fair trial. In the [claimant 1] proceedings, [director of SPDC] stated that he had addressed this issue in other meetings with Nigerian officials. As regards the question whether or not defendants had expressed their opinion, whether publicly or otherwise, during the proceedings about the right of the defendants to a fair trial, [director of SPDC] stated as follows in the [claimant 1] proceedings:
Q. “Shell Nigeria did say that he [ [E] , addition by the court] is entitled to due legal process?” Do you see that?
A. Correct.
Q. Is that referring to statements you made?
A. Yes. As I testified earlier, that’s what I’m referring to.
Q. And it’s your recollection that you made these statements prior to Mr [E] ’s conviction?
A. I believe many times and publicly and privately. (…)
Q. Did you convey to any officials of the Nigerian government that there was a perception internationally that the trial did not meet the standards of due legal process?
A. I spent all my time leading through that process, trying to get people to understand we wanted proper legal process and there was a concern being reported in the press that this was not occurring. Hence the reason I was making the statements.”
Based on this statement, the court finds that in his talks with Nigerian officials [director of SPDC] did address the right to a fair trial of the Ogoni 9. As regards the choice for quiet diplomacy, [director of SPDC] stated as follows in the [claimant 1] proceedings:
Q. (…) do you see the sentence: “Our experience suggests that quiet diplomacy afforded the very best hope for [E] ”?
(…)
A. I worked in many countries where there’s a central government with a lot of control, and my experience has been in the past in other countries like Malaysia or the Middle east and so on that to get action on sensitive issues it is better to do it with quiet diplomacy than to make it a public domain issue, where people become very polarised and very quickly. In the Western World people tend to be more public with these things. In the developing things success generally requires a degree of quiet diplomacy rather than public debate.”
VI.3.2 other contacts with Nigerian officials
4.122. On 16 March 1995, officials of other Shell entities, including [head of Public Affairs] , head of Public Affairs of the Shell Group (hereinafter: [head of Public Affairs] ), spoke with the Nigerian ambassador in London about the proceedings. The Nigerian ambassador noted about [E] : “there is every chance he will be found guilty” and talked about the ‘misinformation’ surrounding the proceedings of [XX] . According to the report of this meeting:
“He [ the Nigerian ambassador, addition by the court] then called on Shell to put head together with the Mission to effectively debunk all the false allegations peddled against Nigeria and Shell over Ogoni and [E] .
4. In his reaction Mr. [head of Public Affairs] said that Shell was aware of the vicious campaign embarked upon by The Body Shop and other groups to discredit Shell and Nigeria. He informed HC that Shell has been inundated with hundreds of letters of protest and abuse regarding their operations in Nigeria. He noted that, apart from the Body Shop, Green Peace, Action Earth, Church groups, Amnesty International as well as Shell Shareholders have all been involved in the campaign. They complain about the environment and human rights issue. Some of the complaints were that Shell should prevail on the Nigerian government to release [E] .”
4.123. As in the talk that [director of SPDC] had with [the General] , referred to in 4.120, the Nigerian side urged collaboration, with [head of Public Affairs] highlighting the international criticism of the proceedings and the complaint that Shell was not pressuring the Nigerian authorities to release [E] . During this talk, it was agreed that one of the reports of the independent organisations about the proceedings would be handed to the Nigerian ambassador. In doing so, criticism of the proceedings was raised both during and as a result of this talk. No response was formulated to the Nigerian urge to collaborate on this issue.
VI.3.3. the period between the sentences and executions
4.124. After the tribunal had sentenced the Ogoni 9 to death by hanging on 30 and 31 October 1995, it was decided at the meeting of the CMD of 31 October and 1 November 1995 that [director of SPDC] would establish contact with [the General] to express the concerns of the Shell Group about the execution of the death sentences. [then Regional Coordinator] – then Regional Coordinator for Latin America and Africa with SPIM – would do the same with the Nigerian High Commissioner in London. [then chairman of CMD] stated the following about this in the [claimant 1] proceedings:
“Q. Was the possibility of Mr [E] being executed discussed at any meetings of the Committee of Managing Directors?
A. yes, it was. (…)
A. I do remember that we discussed in the Committee of Managing Directors whether the chairman should write a letter to ask for clemency. I think we discussed that twice, and the second time we decided that I would do so, yes.
(…)
Q What do you recall being discussed at the committee about that subject?
A. What we discussed at that particular meeting was whether we should, as a group, send a letter to the head of state and ask for clemency. As is recorded here, it was decided against, most definitely on the basis of advice from [director of SPDC] , who—and I don’t specifically recall—may have said, “Don’t do that at this stage. Let me try and get to the head of state and talk to him.” In cases like
this, as I explained earlier on, we would always, always follow the advice of the man on the spot because he is in the best position to judge whether sending a letter would be counter-productive or not and, at least at this stage, his advice must have been “don’t do it.”
Q. Do you have a recollection of Mr [director of SPDC] making that advice?
A. Not a specific one, but I can well imagine that it went that way because that would be totally in line with our policy.
Q. What policy is that?
A. The policy is not to interfere from a distance in the affairs of an operating company. (…)
A. I remember that the chief executive for a long time advised not to do that because he felt that a direct contact with the head of state would be more appropriate and effective.
Q. It says here, “It was agreed that Mr [director of SPDC] should seek access to the head of state to explain Shell’s concerns”.
(…)
A. I do remember that we felt that it was necessary to do something, and here we decided to give [director of SPDC] a chance to talk to the head of state.”
4.125. The choice for [director of SPDC] was explained by [Group Managing Director] as follows:
“[director of SPDC] had become a respected and trusted figure in Nigeria and, notwithstanding the criticism that he attracted to himself by raising this subject with [the General] —and you saw his note about how the President got very agitated when he did bring it up on that one occasion— [director of SPDC] , having been born in Nigeria and feeling passionate about Nigeria—you know [director of SPDC] , I’m sure—was quite the best individual to express these views to the Nigerian authorities; whether the president himself, [X] or anyone else of great seniority in Nigeria.”
4.126. In the Nigeria Update of 2 November 1995 [director of SPDC] wrote about a meeting he had had with [X] on 1 November 1995. This Update states among other things that the reason for this visit was that [director of SPDC] wanted to visit [the General] :
“The visit to the Head of State [ [the General] , addition by the court] would have the objective of trying to obtain his support for clemency and the commutation of the recent sentence of death on [E] for his part in the murder of 4 Ogoni elders in May 1994.(…)
[X] agreed to request the HoS [Head of State] for an audience for him and I on the 17th or the 18th November, after his (S’s) return from a visit to South Africa.
[X] advised very strongly against Shell sending any letter to the Head of State asking for clemency for [E] . He felt that it would be taken very badly and that it may seriously jeopardise the objective.
He did not believe that [the General] would carry out the sentence, nor did he expect any sudden moves: rather, he expected that a final decision on the matter may well be made much later in the year, possibly in December. He felt that having given clemency to the military in the recent coup plotters saga he would not be able to do any differently with a civilian.
I emphasised that Shell would be obliged to defend itself against criticism from many quarters, both locally and internationally, over the next weeks and that we could not take the government’s corner. He [ [X] ] accepted this as a matter of fact. He did however remind me of the HoS’s demand that Shell be more (publicly) supportive, and he said that HoS felt that the government were doing what they could to help Shell!
(…)
S told me that [the General] seemed to have valued our last talk very highly and he felt that he would welcome a fairly frequent dialogue of this kind. (…) This bodes well if true.”
The planned meeting between [director of SPDC] and [the General] never materialised. In the [claimant 1] proceedings [director of SPDC] stated that both before and following the imposition of the death sentences he had tried to arrange a meeting with [the General] , but that he was unsuccessful.
4.127. During the CMD meeting of 7 November 1995 it was decided to send [the General] a request for clemency on humanitarian grounds on behalf of the Shell Group. [then chairman of CMD] stated the following about this in the [claimant 1] proceedings:
“Q. At this meeting of the Committee of Managing Directors was it decided that you should send a personal letter to President [the General] ?
A. Yes, it was, yes.
Q. Can you recount for me, as best you can, how that decision came about?
A. I don’t have a detailed recollection, but I think what made us decide to do that was that [director of SPDC] had not been able to talk to the head of state directly. He tried. At the previous meeting I remember we took his advice that he would seek an appointment with the head of state, so we decided not to send a letter. Now that that discussion had not taken place, we felt that we had to do something. The discussion was “Why are we doing that, if we do it at all?” I do recall that I said, “We do that on humanitarian grounds”—I could well have added to that, that I am absolutely against the death penalty—“and now that it looks as if this is moving in that direction in the case, we have to indeed make it known to the head of state that we are against that.”
Q. Did Mr [director of SPDC] change his recommendation as to whether or not a direct request for clemency should be made?
A. That I don’t recall, but I think it is much more likely to think that, after we learned that he had been unable to see the head of state, we felt that we had to do something.
(…)
Q. There is reference to this letter being a personal letter. Is that correct? This is a personal letter?
A. It is personal in a way that it is from person to person, yes. But I think it’s quite clear in what capacity it is written. It doesn’t say writing to the head of state from his private address. It clearly states Mr [then chairman of CMD] writing to the head of state in his capacity as chairman of the Committee of Managing Directors of the Royal Dutch Shell group of companies.
Q. The address that’s located on the bottom of this letter?
A. That is the address of Royal Dutch. (…)
A.(…) Because this had become, at this particular time, an issue which was not just an SPDC issue, but was an issue for the group as a whole. The group was attacked everywhere almost, and we felt that, as a group, we had to show that we, indeed, were of the opinion that, whatever the conclusion of the legal process was in Nigeria, that it’s not something for us to interfere with; that we would be against the death sentence.”
On behalf of the entire Shell Group, the request for clemency referred to in 2.36 was sent for the nine persons who had received a death sentence from the Ogoni tribunal. This request was handed to the Nigerian High Commissioner, with the request to forward it to [the General] .
4.128. From the foregoing, it follows that defendants made the conscious choice, also in view of their Business Principles, not to intervene in political and legal affairs of the country where they operated and to not publicly express an opinion on the proceedings, but rather opt for the course of quiet diplomacy. They acted in this fashion. In the talks with Nigerian officials, they were confronted with a wish to collaborate, which they did not fulfil. In addition, during the proceedings [director of SPDC] discussed in general terms the right to and importance of a fair trial for the Ogoni 9. In any case, in the period between the sentence and the executions, the proceedings and fate of the Ogoni 9 were viewed as an issue which affected the Shell Group as a whole instead of a local issue which only affected SPDC. Again, a conscious choice was made to not publicly submit a request for clemency. Instead, quiet diplomacy was chosen, which eventually culminated in the letter dated 8 November 1995 to [the General] on behalf of the entire Shell Group.
4.129. The accusation of claimants regarding non-intervention or insufficient intervention in the proceedings can only succeed if defendants, by monitoring the proceedings and choosing to use quiet diplomacy and not taking any other action, violated the invoked fundamental rights of claimants and/or their husbands. The assertions of claimants imply that based on claimants’ invoked fundamental rights defendants were obliged to do more than they did. But the court has not found any leads for the accuracy of said standpoint, for instance in the form of precedents or widely supported views of Nigerian jurists. Such leads were also not submitted by parties in their remarks on the content and application of the fundamental rights invoked by claimants. The conclusion of the court therefore is that defendants did not violate these fundamental rights by monitoring the proceedings and choosing quiet diplomacy.
4.130. In this opinion, the court also considered the experiences of [director of SPDC] , as reflected in 4.121, that speak for quiet diplomacy, the warnings, as reflected in 4.120, from various sides to tread carefully in raising the issue with [the General] – who did not appreciate criticism and in fact thought SPDC did not support the Nigerian government enough – and the explicit advice of [X] not to make a public request for clemency, during which [X] furthermore expressed his expectation that the death sentences would not be executed in the short term. [X] also assumed that the death sentences would be commutated in a prison sentence (see 4.126), like with the military putschists. Nevertheless, a serious and urgent attempt was made to influence the fate of the Ogoni 9 after the convictions, with the decision of the CMD to have [director of SPDC] contact [the General] and the agreement that [then Regional Coordinator] would approach the Nigerian
ambassador in London. Moreover, with the eventually request for clemency on behalf of the entire Shell Group, signed by the chairman of the CMD, it was made clear to [the General] that this was a serious and urgent request.
4.131. In addition, there are no leads to assume that proceedings would have taken a different turn and that the claimants’ husbands would not have been sentenced and executed if defendants had acted differently. As has been argued by defendants, it is highly doubtful that they had the kind of influence on [the General] claimants attribute to them and which was assumed they had at the time, for instance also by [E] (see his letter dated 13 May 1995, in 4.107) and by the ones calling on defendants to take a public or other stance about the proceedings and conviction of the Ogoni 9. From the reports of the meetings between [director of SPDC] and [the General] it follows that [the General] did not accept criticism and believed that SPDC did not support the Nigerian government enough. Those reports also mention the cash call problems; the continuous efforts SPDC had to make – and which was not contested by claimants – to induce the Nigerian government to meet the cash calls made in the context of the joint venture. [director of SPDC] summarised this in his Nigeria Update of 6 April 1995:
“There is still a strong belief amongst these people that we Shell have the power to get [the General] to let [E] off! Would that we had such power, we certainly would not have had the cash calls problems if we had!” (see 4.105).
4.132. Claimants assert – without further explanation – that defendants should have threatened to cancel or set conditions to the NLNG deal referred to in 2.39 about which negotiations with the Nigerian government were ongoing at the time of the proceedings. Also considering that which has been considered in 4.131 about the influence had or could wield, this bare assertion cannot succeed. The same applies to the assertion of claimants that defendants should as a last resort have threatened to withdraw from Nigeria. Although the fact that SPDC ceased its oil extraction operations in Ogoniland in 1995 – albeit for different reasons – downplays the defendants’ argument that it was practically not feasible to withdraw from Nigeria, this single, not further explained assertion of claimants cannot succeed, also because it cannot be assumed that this threat would have had any effect. The question here, too, is whether or not claimants credit defendants with more influence than they really had on [the General] , who did not accept criticism and believed that SPDC did not support the Nigerian government enough.
4.133. In so far as defendants were obliged to stage any intervention based on the applicable Nigerian law, they did enough by monitoring the proceedings and choosing quiet diplomacy. The court does not say in a general sense that a company in cases like this has to employ quiet diplomacy. The court finds that defendants were not obliged to do more, as argued by claimants. The accusation that defendants did not use their influence, either publicly or otherwise, to induce the Nigerian government to hold a fair trial and exercise clemency for the Ogoni 9 therefore does not hold.